Keir Starmer returned to the Emirates Stadium on Tuesday to witness Arsenal’s impressive 3-0 victory over Real Madrid, a result that far surpassed expectations regarding his team’s prospects in Europe. In the coming days, it wouldn’t be surprising if he attempted to sneak in a brief Easter getaway to bask in the warmth and sunshine of the same continent.
Football and family vacations provide him with essential respite from the harsh realities of a struggling economy, soaring public debt, and alarming global instability—conditions that are exacerbated daily, sometimes hourly, by Britain’s closest ally of the last 80 years.
However, the chaos instigated by Donald Trump’s prolonged tenure in the White House signifies that Europe is no longer merely an occasional diversion for the prime minister. Gradually, though not consistently, it is becoming the vector toward which Britain must refocus.
This isn’t where Starmer envisioned himself. Despite his rhetoric about an EU “reset,” the initial intention was to “make Brexit work” within self-imposed “red lines” that excluded rejoining the single market or a customs union, deterred freedom of movement, and allowed only minimal alleviation of the fallout from Boris Johnson’s deal.
Initially, following Trump’s inauguration, the prospects over the Atlantic seemed exhilarating. There was genuine intrigue, if not admiration, for this disruptive figure shaking up the rigid US political establishment. There was even a belief that Britain could gain leverage over the EU through a reinvented special relationship, embellished by inviting Trump to engage with the royal family.
Even now, securing a US trade agreement that might preserve thousands of British jobs or the promise of the essential military cooperation needed to ensure European security remain valuable goals. It’s unreasonable to fault Starmer for attempting to achieve them, or to expect him to adversarially confront Trump merely for the sake of garnering sensational headlines.
What has evolved, however, is a shared acknowledgment among cabinet members that the US president presents more of a challenge than a solution. The era of briefing that the government feels closer to Maga Republicans than US Democrats seems distant, and Rachel Reeves’ directive for Britain to embrace Trump’s optimism has faded. Currently, ministers express that predicting his next action feels nearly futile, as “he’s only ever reliable in his unpredictability.” Regardless of future developments, this US administration cannot be perceived as a stable ally in terms of either economics or security.
Those who believe Starmer, through his repeated calls for “cool and calm heads,” is still being excessively diplomatic may have been too preoccupied with their complaints to notice a subtle shift in his tone. For instance, when the Times published the headline: “Why Keir Starmer hopes Trump’s tariffs could be good news for the UK,” Starmer promptly countered in an article the following day, stating, “Nobody is pretending that tariffs are good news.”
A well-informed adviser from Downing Street describes how Trump “wants to demolish the multilateral institutions” that Starmer considers vital “to bridge divides and unite the world.” Moreover, polling data reportedly indicates that even if a significant US trade agreement were attainable, British voters would still lean towards fostering closer ties with the EU due to a lack of trust in Trump’s reliability.
Certainly, initiatives aimed at restoring those relations have been actively pursued in recent weeks. This includes Starmer’s “coalition of the willing” to replace the military support for Ukraine that Trump seems intent on withdrawing, and these efforts will continue ahead of the EU-UK summit on May 19. By concentrating on shared interests and values rather than rigid “red lines,” a security and defense pact is anticipated. Also within reach is a proposed veterinary deal to facilitate agricultural trade, while legislation is progressing through parliament that would enable UK ministers to align with EU regulations in other sectors, benefiting small exporters.
There may also be a feasible youth mobility scheme for individuals aged 18-30, regarded by some EU members, particularly Germany, as a benchmark for assessing whether this government genuinely differs from its predecessor. Although the proposal was rapidly dismissed during last year’s general election, the Treasury is showing increasing favor towards it since, by various estimates, it could deliver greater economic growth than planning reform and housing development combined. Concurrently, fresh collaborations on North Sea wind farms and negotiations to synchronize the UK and EU carbon trading schemes may boost investment, enhance energy security, and yield billions in additional revenue.
Nevertheless, constraints remain within this revived EU-UK relationship, and it will likely never progress far or rapidly enough to satisfy the many Labour supporters convinced that Brexit was a catastrophic error. Those close to Starmer emphasize his focus is not on “relitigating old debates from the previous decade,” but rather on discovering new avenues to advocate for the national interest, postulating that “the era of globalization is over.” Downing Street perceives that part of the appeal of both Trump and our domestic brand of rightwing populism stems from institutions like the EU becoming too disconnected from the populations they were meant to serve. In summary, they are determined not to be seen defending the status quo.
The UK aspires for any security agreement to incorporate data-sharing on illegal immigration, a condition the EU may be hesitant to accept for its own enigmatic reasons. The government will argue that any defense accord must also grant British firms the opportunity to compete for contracts from a substantial new European rearmament fund. However, this agreement could potentially be delayed by disputes with a French government advocating concessions regarding fish quotas. Hope lingers that our political leaders can rise above such challenges. Yet, the rise of economic nationalism, while not limited to the White House, complicates meaningful progress in Europe.
While Arsenal’s victory in the Champions League may have been the pinnacle of Starmer’s week, he might ponder that his team has yet to advance to the semi-finals of the tournament. In both politics and football, Europe presents numerous opportunities, and the journey is far from over.
