Farage’s Critical Choice: British Voters or Allegiances to Putin and Trump | Gaby Hinsliff

Timing is crucial in the realm of politics. So when the opposition leader recognized that she was scheduled to give a speech praising Donald Trump, right as the president plunged her nation into a national security crisis, one might presume she would at least pause.

Yet, it appears that nothing can deter Kemi Badenoch from engaging in a culture war, even in the face of potential conflict. Thus, at a right-wing conference in London on Monday morning, she launched into an attack on corporate diversity policies, climate activism, Keir Starmer’s gesture of taking the knee over four years ago, and various other perceived threats to Western civilization that aren’t provoking the UK to contemplate troop deployment against them. She concluded her speech with the confident assertion that when asked what difference a change of leader can make, her response is, “Take a look at President Trump.”

Those remarks should resonate repeatedly as long as Badenoch remains the opposition leader, which may not be for long at this rate. For once, it’s not solely the liberal left that views Trump with dismay. The cause of Ukrainian sovereignty has also found a unique resonance with the right: Reform UK’s deputy leader, Richard Tice, faced severe criticism from TalkTV’s staunch Brexiter Julia Hartley-Brewer for attempting to defend Trump’s disgraceful abandonment of Ukraine, sparking a viral exchange on X. “Which part of Britain would you be willing to surrender if we were invaded?” Hartley-Brewer demanded, before deriding: “I thought Reform cared about national borders and sovereignty.”

Charles Moore, the former Telegraph editor and biographer of Margaret Thatcher, who frequently visits Kyiv, emphatically stated that Trump’s withdrawal was a “disaster for security,” granting Putin unchecked power to dominate Europe: “Even Stalin never achieved as much.” There exists a faction within the traditional British right that still values patriotism beyond merely railing against immigration. When Moore aligns himself with John Major—who warned of a direct threat to Western democracy—it indicates a crucial awakening has occurred.

Even Boris Johnson, who may or may not be contemplating a political comeback, partially stepped up by informing GB News that Ukraine’s path to NATO membership should remain open, while former defense ministers are sounding alarm bells about Ukraine’s exclusion from discussions concerning its future.

And if you’d prefer to cover your ears rather than listen to any of these figures—keep in mind that it’s not your perspective that will determine how extensive Reform becomes or whether it can essentially replicate what Trump did to the Republicans; this time, it’s an audience that does take its cues from TalkTV and GB News that holds the reins. If Britain is to establish a robust barrier against the rising insanity currently sweeping the US and parts of Europe, the actions of the British right—how firmly it decides to resist the extremists within its ranks—are critically important. Being forced to defend either the White House or the Kremlin’s stance on the disgraceful betrayal of Ukraine is toxic for Reform, marking a singular issue where it stands uneasily apart from British public sentiment on a matter that will significantly influence the next few years, and it should be held accountable for that.

The existing Reform electorate is the most pro-Trump among any political party, with 54% expressing approval of his election in November, compared to 16% of voters overall, according to YouGov. However, it’s the remnants of the Conservative vote that Nigel Farage must win over—only 20% were pleased to see this particular Republican in the White House even before the unfolding consequences of his actions were fully realized.


Being labeled as a Putin apologist, in fact, could be even more electorally damaging than being pro-Trump: just ask any Labour MP forced to justify Jeremy Corbyn’s approach to the Salisbury poisonings during heated interactions with constituents. Although war fatigue has recently set in, with 32% of Britons favoring a negotiated settlement in Ukraine instead of continuing to fight until Russian forces withdraw, that’s still a minority opinion; and even fewer will want to see Ukrainians emerge from that settlement in a disadvantageous position, a sentiment Farage himself acknowledged last week by suggesting that NATO membership should remain an option for them.

Thus, Labour should feel no hesitation in highlighting that sore spot, reminding Reform-curious voters that Farage previously named Putin as the world leader he admires most. Do they truly want him near the reins of power, especially as British troops might soon find themselves on the frontlines against Russia? Furthermore, if any of Trump’s proposed trade tariffs come into effect, leading to job losses in what’s left of UK manufacturing, his British supporters should also be held accountable for that.

However, it cannot rest solely with Labour to hold the Trumpian right accountable. This makes Badenoch’s attempt to cozy up to Farage, who was also addressing the same conference, particularly ill-advised. This was not the appropriate moment to seek support from Trump’s sphere; instead, it was a time to observe as Reform MPs squirmed under the weight of their own choices.

For there’s no such thing as a free lunch, even at Mar-a-Lago: being within Trump’s court ultimately means feeling compelled to defend the indefensible, a burden that inevitably carries a cost back home. For all those in the British right who have reveled in his approval, let this serve as a moment of reckoning.